Introductory
The following letters were
written by Mrs. Stowe for her own personal friends, particularly the members of
her own family, and mainly as the transactions referred to in them occurred.
During the tour in England
and Scotland,
frequent allusions are made to public meetings held on her account; but no
report is made of the meetings, because that information, was given fully in
the newspapers sent to her friends with the letters. Some knowledge of the general
tone and spirit of the meetings seems necessary, in order to put the readers of
the letters in as favorable a position to appreciate them as her friends were
when they were received. Such knowledge it is the object of this introductory
chapter to furnish.
One or two of the addresses at each of
several meetings I have given, and generally without alteration, as they
appeared in the public journals at the time. Only a very few could be published
without occupying altogether too much space; and those selected are for the
most part the shortest, and chosen mainly on account of their brevity. This is
certainly a surer method of giving a true idea, of the spirit which actually
pervaded the meetings than could be accomplished by any selection of mere
extracts from the several speeches. In that case, there might be supposed to
exist a temptation to garble and make unfair representations; but in the method
pursued, such a suspicion is scarcely possible. In relation to my own
addresses, I have sometimes taken the liberty to correct the reporters by my
own recollections and notes. I have also, in some cases, somewhat abridged
them, (a liberty which I have not, to any considerable extent, ventured to take
with others,) though without changing the sentiment, or even essentially the
form, of expression. What I have here related is substantially what I actually
said, and what I am willing to be held responsible for. Many and bitter, during
the tour, were the misrepresentations and misstatements of a hostile press; to
which I offer no other reply than the plain facts of the following pages. These
were the sentiments uttered, this was the manner of their utterance; and I
cheerfully submit them to the judgment of a candid public.
I went to Europe
without the least anticipation of the kind of reception which awaited us; it
was all a surprise and an embarrassment to me. I went with the strongest love
of my country, and the highest veneration for her institutions; I every where
in Britain
found the most cordial sympathy with this love and veneration; and I returned
with both greatly increased. But slavery I do not recognize as an institution
of my country; it is an excrescence, a vile usurpation, hated of God, and
abhorred by man; I am under no obligation either to love or respect it. He is
the traitor to America,
and American institutions, who reckons slavery as one of them, and, as such,
screens it from assault. Slavery is a blight, a canker, a poison, in the very
heart of our republic; and unless the nation, as such, disengage itself from
it, it will most assuredly be our ruin. The patriot, the philanthropist, the
Christian, truly enlightened, sees no other alternative. The developments of
the present session of our national Congress are making this great truth
clearly perceptible even to the dullest apprehension.
C.E. STOWE.
Andover,
May 30, 1854.
Breakfast In Liverpool—April 11.
The Rev. Dr. M'Neile, who had
been requested by the respected host to express to Mrs. Stowe the hearty
congratulations of the first meeting of friends she had seen in England, thus
addressed her: "Mrs. Stowe: I have been requested by those kind friends
under whose hospitable roof we are assembled to give some expression to the
sincere and cordial welcome with which, we greet your arrival in this country.
I find real difficulty in making this attempt, not from want of matter, nor
from want of feeling, but because it is not in the power of any language I can
command, to give adequate expression to the affectionate enthusiasm which
pervades all ranks of our community, and which is truly characteristic of the
humanity and the Christianity of Great Britain. We welcome Mrs. Stowe as the
honored instrument of that noble impulse which public opinion and public
feeling throughout Christendom have received against the demoralizing and
degrading system of human slavery. That system is still, unhappily, identified
in the minds of many with the supposed material interests of society, and even
with the well being of the slaves themselves; but the plausible arguments and ingenious
sophistries by which it has been defended shrink with shame from the facts
without exaggeration, the principles without compromise, the exposures without
indelicacy, and the irrepressible glow of hearty feeling—O, how true to
nature!—which characterize Mrs. Stowe's immortal book. Yet I feel assured
that the effect produced by Uncle Tom's Cabin is not mainly or chiefly to be
traced to the interest of the narrative, however captivating, nor to the
exposures of the slave system, however withering: these would, indeed, be
sufficient to produce a good effect; but this book contains more and better
than even these; it contains what will never be lost sight of—the genuine
application to the several branches of the subject of the sacred word of God.
By no part of this wonderful work has my own mind been so permanently impressed
as by the thorough legitimacy of the application of Scripture,—no
wresting, no mere verbal adaptation, but in every instance the passage cited is
made to illustrate something in the narrative, or in the development of
character, in strictest accordance with the design of the passage in its
original sacred context. We welcome Mrs. Stowe, then, as an honored
fellow-laborer in the highest and best of causes; and I am much mistaken if this
tone of welcome be not by far the most congenial to her own feelings. We
unaffectedly sympathize with much which she must feel, and, as a lady, more
peculiarly feel, in passing through that ordeal of gratulation which is sure to
attend her steps in every part of our country; and I am persuaded that we
cannot manifest our gratitude for her past services in any way more acceptable
to herself than by earnest prayer on her behalf that she may be kept in the
simplicity of Christ, enjoying in her daily experience the tender consolations
of the Divine Spirit, and in the midst of the most flattering commendations
saying and feeling, in the instincts of a renewed heart, 'Not unto me, O Lord,
not unto me, but unto thy name be the praise, for thy mercy, and for thy truth's
sake.'"
Professor Stowe then rose, and said, "If we are
silent, it is not because we do not feel, but because we feel more than we can
express. When that book was written, we had no hope except in God. We had no
expectation of reward save in the prayers of the poor. The surprising
enthusiasm which has been excited by the book all over Christendom is an
indication that God has a work to be done in the cause of emancipation. The
present aspect of things in the United
States is discouraging. Every change in
society, every financial revolution, every political and ecclesiastical
movement, seems to pass and leave the African race without help. Our only
resource is prayer. God surely cannot will that the unhappy condition of this
portion of his children should continue forever. There are some indications of
a movement in the southern mind. A leading southern paper lately declared
editorially that slavery is either right or wrong: if it is wrong, it is to be
abandoned: if it is right, it must be defended. The Southern Press, a
paper established to defend the slavery interest at the seat of government, has
proposed that the worst features of the system, such as the separation of
families, should be abandoned. But it is evident that with that restriction the
system could not exist. For instance, a man wants to buy a cook; but she has a
husband and seven children. Now, is he to buy a man and seven children, for
whom he has no use, for the sake of having a cook? Nothing on the present
occasion has been so grateful to our feelings as the reference made by Dr.
M'Neile to the Christian character of the book. Incredible as it may seem to
those who are without prejudice, it is nevertheless a fact that this book was
condemned by some religious newspapers in the United States as anti-Christian,
and its author associated with infidels and disorganizers; and had not it been
for the decided expression of the mind of English Christians, and of
Christendom itself, on this point, there is reason to fear that the proslavery
power of the United States would have succeeded in putting the book under foot.
Therefore it is peculiarly gratifying that so full an indorsement has been
given the work, in this respect, by eminent Christians of the highest character
in Europe; for, however some in the United States may affect to despise what is
said by the wise and good of this kingdom and the Christian world, they do feel
it, and feel it intensely." In answer to an inquiry by Dr. M'Neile as to
the mode in which southern Christians defended the institution, Dr. Stowe
remarked that "a great change had taken place in that respect during the
last thirty years. Formerly all Christians united in condemning the system; but
of late some have begun to defend it on scriptural grounds. The Rev. Mr. Smylie,
of Mississippi, wrote a pamphlet in the defensive; and Professor Thornwell, of
South Carolina, has published the most candid and able statement of that
argument which has been given. Their main reliance is on the system of Mosaic
servitude, wholly unlike though it was to the American system of slavery. As to
what this American system of slavery is, the best documents for enlightening
the minds of British Christians are the commercial newspapers of the
slaveholding states. There you see slavery as it is, and certainly without any
exaggeration. Read the advertisements for the sale of slaves and for the
apprehension of fugitives, the descriptions of the persons of slaves, of dogs
for hunting slaves, &c., and you see how the whole matter as viewed by the
southern mind. Say what they will about it, practically they generally regard
the separation of families no more than the separation of cattle, and the
slaves as so much property, and nothing else. Their own papers show that the
pictures of the internal slave trade given in Uncle Tom, so far from being
overdrawn, fall even below the truth. Go on, then, in forming and expressing
your views on this subject. In laboring for the overthrow of American slavery
you are pursuing a course of Christian duty as legitimate as in laboring to
suppress the suttees of India, the cannibalism of the Fejee Islands, and other
barbarities of heathenism, of which human slavery is but a relic. These evils
can be finally removed by the benign influence of the love of Christ, and no other
power is competent to the work."
Public Meeting In Liverpool—April
13.
The Chairman, (A. Hodgson, Esq.,)
in opening the proceedings, thus addressed Mrs. Beecher Stowe: "The
modesty of our English ladies, which, like your own, shrinks instinctively from
unnecessary publicity, has devolved on me, as one of the trustees of the
Liverpool Association, the gratifying office of tendering to you, at then
request, a slight testimonial of their gratitude and respect. We had hoped
almost to the last moment that Mrs. Cropper would have represented, on this
day, the ladies with whom she has cooperated, and among whom she has taken a
distinguished lead in the great work which you had the honor and the happiness
to originate. But she has felt with you that the path most grateful and most
congenial to female exertion, even in its widest and most elevated range, is
still a retired and a shady path; and you have taught us that the voice which
most effectually kindles enthusiasm in millions is the still small voice which
comes forth from the sanctuary of a woman's breast, and from the retirement of
a woman's closet—the simple but unequivocal expression of her unfaltering
faith, and the evidence of her generous and unshrinking self-devotion. In the
same spirit, and as deeply impressed with the retired character of female
exertion, the ladies who have so warmly greeted your arrival in this country
have still felt it entirely consistent with the most sensitive delicacy to make
a public response to your appeal, and to hail with acclamation your thrilling
protest against those outrages on our common nature which circumstances have
forced on your observation. They engage in no political discussion, they embark
in no public controversy; but when an intrepid sister appeals to the instincts
of women of every color and of every clime against a system which sanctions the
violation of the fondest affections and the disruption of the tenderest ties;
which snatches the clinging wife from the agonized husband, and the child from
the breast of its fainting mother; which leaves the young and innocent female a
helpless and almost inevitable victim of a licentiousness controlled by no law
and checked by no public opinion,—it is surely as feminine as it is
Christian to sympathize with her in her perilous task, and to rejoice that she
has shed such a vivid light on enormities which can exist only while unknown or
unbelieved. We acknowledge with regret and shame that that fatal system was
introduced into America by Great Britain;
but having in our colonies returned from our devious paths, we may without
presumption, in the spirit of friendly suggestion, implore our honored
transatlantic friends to do the same. The ladies of Great
Britain have been admonished by their fair sisters in America, (and I
am sure they are bound to take the admonition in good part,) that there are
social evils in our own country demanding our special vigilance and care. This
is most true; but it is also true that the deepest sympathies and most
strenuous efforts are directed, in the first instance, to the evils which exist
among ourselves, and that the rays of benevolence which flash across the
Atlantic are often but the indication of the intensity of the bright flame
which is shedding light and heat on all in its immediate vicinity. I believe
this is the case with most of those who have taken a prominent part in this
great movement. I am sure it is preeminently the case with respect to many of
those by whom you are surrounded; and I hardly know a more miserable fallacy,
by which sensible men allow themselves to be deluded, than that which assumes
that every emotion of sympathy which is kindled by objects abroad is abstracted
from our sympathies at home. All experience points to a directly opposite
conclusion; and surely the divine command, 'to go into all the world, and
preach the gospel to every creature,' should put to shame and silence the
specious but transparent selfishness which would contract the limits of human
sympathy, and veil itself under the garb of superior sagacity. But I must not
detain you by any further observations. Allow me, in the name of the associated
ladies, to present you with this small memorial of great regard, and to tender
to you their and my best wishes for your health and happiness while you are
sojourning among us, for the blessing of God on your children during your
absence, and for your safe return to your native country when your mission
shall be accomplished. I have just been requested to state the following
particulars: In December last, a few ladies met in this place to consider the
best plan of obtaining signatures in Liverpool to an address to the women of America
on the subject of negro slavery, in substance coinciding with the one so nobly
proposed and carried forward by Lord Shaftesbury. At this meeting it was
suggested that it would be a sincere gratification to many if some testimonial
could be presented to Mrs. Stowe which would indicate the sense, almost
universally entertained, that she had been the instrument in the hands of God
of arousing the slumbering sympathies of this country in behalf of the
suffering slave. It was felt desirable to render the expression of such a
feeling as general as possible; and to effect this it was resolved that a
subscription should be set on foot, consisting of contributions of one penny
and upwards, with a view to raise a testimonial, to be presented to Mrs. Stowe
by the ladies of Liverpool, as an expression of their grateful appreciation of
her valuable services in the cause of the negro, and as a token of admiration
for the genius and of high esteem for the philanthropy and Christian feeling
which animate her great work, Uncle Tom's Cabin. It ought, perhaps, to be
added, that some friends, not residents of Liverpool,
have united in this tribute. As many of the ladies connected with the effort to
obtain signatures to the address may not be aware of the whole number appended,
they may be interested in knowing that they amounted in all to twenty-one
thousand nine hundred and fifty-three. Of these, twenty thousand nine hundred
and thirty-six were obtained by ladies in Liverpool, from their friends either
in this neighborhood or at a distance; and one thousand and seventeen were sent
to the committee in London
from other parts, by those who preferred our form of address. The total number
of signatures from all parts of the kingdom to Lord Shaftesbury's address was
upwards of five hundred thousand."
Professor Stowe then said, "On behalf of Mrs.
Stowe I will read from her pen the response to your generous offering: 'It is
impossible for me to express the feelings of my heart at the kind and generous
manner in which I have been received upon English shores. Just when I had begun
to realize that a whole wide ocean lay between me and all that is dearest to
me, I found most unexpectedly a home and friends waiting to receive me here. I
have had not an hour in which to know the heart of a stranger. I have been made
to feel at home since the first moment of landing, and wherever I have looked I
have seen only the faces of friends. It is with deep feeling that I have found
myself on ground that has been consecrated and made holy by the prayers and
efforts of those who first commenced the struggle for that sacred cause which
has proved so successful in England, and which I have a solemn assurance will
yet be successful in my own country. It is a touching thought that here so many
have given all that they have, and are, in behalf of oppressed humanity. It is
touching to remember that one of the noblest men which England has
ever produced now lies stricken under the heavy hand of disease, through a last
labor of love in this cause. May God grant us all to feel that nothing is too
dear or precious to be given in a work for which such men have lived, and
labored, and suffered. No great good is ever wrought out for the human race
without the suffering of great hearts. They who would serve their fellow-men
are ever reminded that the Captain of their salvation was made perfect through
suffering. I gratefully accept the offering confided to my care, and trust it
may be so employed that the blessing of many "who are ready to
perish" will return upon your heads. Let me ask those—those fathers
and mothers in Israel—who
have lived and prayed many years for this cause, that as they prayed for their
own country in the hour of her struggle, so they will pray now for ours. Love
and prayer can hurt no one, can offend no one, and prayer is a real power. If
the hearts of all the real Christians of England are poured out in prayer, it
will be felt through the heart of the whole American church. Let us all look
upward, from our own feebleness and darkness, to Him of whom it is said,
"He shall not fail nor be discouraged till he have set judgment in the
earth." To him, the only wise God our Saviour, be glory and majesty,
dominion and power, both now and ever. Amen.'—These are the words, my
friends, which Mrs. Stowe has written, and I cannot forbear to add a few words
of my own. It was our intention, as the invitation to visit Great Britain came from Glasgow, to make our first landing there. But
it was ordered by Providence
that we should land here; and surely there is no place in the kingdom where a
landing could be more appropriate, and where the reception could have been more
cordial. [Hear, hear!] It was wholly unexpected by us, I can assure you. We
know that there were friendly hearts here, for we had received abundant
testimonials to that effect from letters which had come to us across the
Atlantic—letters wholly unexpected, and which filled our souls with
surprise; but we had no thought that there was such a feeling throughout
England, and we scarcely know how to conduct ourselves under it, for we are not
accustomed to this kind of receptions. In our own country, unhappily, we are
very much divided, and the preponderance of feeling expressed is in the other
direction, entirely in opposition, and not in favor. [Hear, hear!] We knew that
this city had been the scene of some of the greatest, most disinterested, and
most powerful efforts in behalf of emancipation. The name of Clarkson was
indissolubly associated with this place, for here he came to make his
investigations, and here he was in danger of his life, and here he was
protected by friends who stood by him through the whole struggle. The names of
Cropper, and of Stephen, and of many others in this city, were very familiar to
us—[Hear, hear!]—and it was in connection with this city that we
received what to our feelings was a most effective testimonial, an unexpected
letter from Lord Denman, whom we have always venerated. When I was in England
in 1836, there were no two persons whom I more desired to see than the Duke of
Wellington and Lord Denman; and soon I sought admission to the House of Lords,
where I had the pleasure both of seeing and hearing England's great captain;
and I found my way to the Court of Queen's Bench, where I had the pleasure of
seeing and hearing England's great judge. But how unexpected was all this to
us! When that book was written, in sorrow, and in sadness, and obscurity, and
with the heart almost broken in the view of the sufferings which it described,
and the still greater sufferings which it dared not describe, there was no
expectation of any thing but the prayers of the sufferers and the blessing of
God, who has said that the seed which is buried in the earth shall spring up in
his own good time; and though it may be long buried, it will still at length
come forth and bear fruit. We never could believe that slavery in our land
would be a perpetual curse; but we felt, and felt deeply, that there must be a
terrible struggle before we could be delivered from it, and that there must be
suffering and martyrdom in this cause, as in every other great cause; for a
struggle of eighteen years had taught us its strength. And, under God, we rely
very much on the Christian public of Great Britain; for every expression
of feeling from the wise and good of this land, with whatever petulance it may
be met by some, goes to the heart of the American people. [Hear, hear!] You
must not judge of the American people by the expressions which have come across
the Atlantic in reference to the subject. Nine
tenths of the American people, I think, are, in opinion at least, with you on
this great subject; [Hear, hear!] but there is a tremendous pressure brought to
bear upon all who are in favor of emancipation. The whole political power, the
whole money power, almost the whole ecclesiastical power is wielded in defence
of slavery, protecting it from all aggression; and it is as much as a man's
reputation is worth to utter a syllable boldly and openly on the other side.
Let me say to the ladies who have been active in getting up the address on the
subject of slavery, that you have been doing a great and glorious work, and a
work most appropriate for you to do; for in slavery it is woman that suffers
most intensely, and the suffering woman has a claim upon the sympathy of her
sisters in other lands. This address will produce a powerful impression
throughout the country. There are ladies already of the highest character in
the nation pondering how they shall make a suitable response, and what they
shall do in reference to it that will be acceptable to the ladies of the United
Kingdom, or will be profitable to the slave; and in due season you will see
that the hearts of American women are alive to this matter, as well as the
hearts of the women of this country. [Hear, hear!] Such was the mighty
influence brought to bear upon every thing that threatened slavery, that had it
not been for the decided expression on this side of the Atlantic in reference
to the work which has exerted, under God, so much influence, there is every
reason to fear that it would have been crushed and put under foot, as many
other efforts for the overthrow of slavery have been in the United States. But
it is impossible; the unanimous voice of Christendom prohibits it; and it shows
that God has a work to accomplish, and that he has just commenced it. There are
social evils in England.
Undoubtedly there are; but the difference between the social evils in England and this great evil of slavery in the United States
is just here: In England, the power of the government and the power of
Christian sympathy are exerted for the removal of those evils. Look at the
committees of inquiry in Parliament, look at the amount of information
collected with regard to the suffering poor in their reports, and see how ready
the government of Great
Britain is to enter into those inquiries,
and to remove those evils. Look at the benevolent institutions of the United
Kingdom, and see how active all these are in administering relief; and then see
the condition of slavery in the United States, where the whole power of the
government is used in the contrary direction, where every influence is brought
to bear to prevent any mitigation of the evil, and where every voice that is
lifted to plead for a mitigation is drowned in vituperation and abuse from
those who are determined that the evil shall not be mitigated. This is the
difference: England
repents and reforms. America
refuses to repent and reform. It is said, 'Let each country take care of
itself, and let the ladies of England
attend to their own business.' Now I have always found that those who labor at
home are those who labor abroad; [Hear, hear!] and those who say, 'Let us do
the work at home,' are those who do no work of good either at home or abroad.
[Hear, hear!] It was just so when the great missionary effort came up in the United States.
They said, 'We have a great territory here. Let us send missionaries to our own
territories. Why should we send missionaries across the ocean?' But those who
sent missionaries across the ocean were those who sent missionaries in the United States;
and those who did not send missionaries across the ocean were those who sent
missionaries nowhere. [Hear, hear!] They who say, 'Charity begins at home,' are
generally those who have no charity; and when I see a lady whose name is signed
to this address, I am sure to find a lady who is exercising her benevolence at
home. Let me thank you for all the interest you have manifested and for all the
kindness which we have received at your hands, which we shall ever remember,
both with gratitude to you and to God our Father."
The Rev. C.M. Birrell afterwards made a few remarks
in proposing a vote of thanks to the ladies who had contributed the testimonial
which had been presented to the distinguished writer of Uncle Tom's Cabin. He
said it was most delightful to hear of the great good which that remarkable
volume had done, and, he humbly believed, by God's special inspiration and
guidance, was doing, in the United
States of America. It was not confined to
the United States of America.
The volume was going forth over the whole earth, and great good was resulting,
directly and indirectly, by God's providence, from it. He was told a few days
ago, by a gentleman fully conversant with the facts, that an edition of Uncle
Tom, circulated in Belgium, had created an earnest desire on the part of the
people to read the Bible, so frequently quoted in that beautiful work, and that
in consequence of it a great run had been made upon the Bible Society's
depositories in that kingdom. [Hear, hear!] The priests of the church of Rome,
true to their instinct, in endeavoring to maintain the position which they
could not otherwise hold, had published another edition, from which, they had
entirely excluded all reference to the word of God. [Hear, hear!] He had been
also told that at St. Petersburg
an edition of Uncle Tom had been translated into the Russian tongue, and that
it was being distributed, by command of the emperor, throughout the whole of
that vast empire. It was true that the circulation of the work there did not
spring from a special desire on the part of the emperor to give liberty to the
people of Russia, but because he wished to create a third power in the empire,
to act upon the nobles; he wished to cause them to set free their serfs, in
order that a third power might be created in the empire to serve as a check
upon them. But whatever was the cause, let us thank God, the Author of all
gifts, for what is done.
Sir George Stephen seconded the motion of thanks to
the ladies, observing that he had peculiar reasons for doing so. He supposed
that he was one of the oldest laborers in this cause. Thirty years ago he found
that the work of one lady was equal to that of fifty men; and now we had the
work of one lady which was equal to that of all the male sex. [Applause.]
Public Meeting In Glasgow—April
15.
The Rev. Dr. Wardlaw was
introduced by the chairman, and spoke as follows:—
"The members of the Glasgow
Ladies' New Antislavery Association and the citizens of Glasgow,
now assembled, hail with no ordinary satisfaction, and with becoming gratitude
to a kindly protecting Providence,
the safe arrival amongst them of Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe. They feel obliged
by her accepting, with so much promptitude and cordiality, the invitation
addressed to her—an invitation intended to express the favor they bore to
her, and the honor in which they held her, as the eminently gifted authoress of
Uncle Tom's Cabin—a work of humble name, but of high excellence and
world-wide celebrity; a work the felicity of whose conception is more than
equalled by the admirable tact of its execution, and the Christian benevolence
of its design, by its exquisite adaptation to its accomplishment; distinguished
by the singular variety and consistent discrimination of its characters; by the
purity of its religious and moral principles; by its racy humor, and its
touching pathos, and its effectively powerful appeals to the judgment, the
conscience, and the heart; a work, indeed, of whose sterling worth the earnest
test is to be found in the fact of its having so universally touched and
stirred the bosom of our common humanity, in all classes of society, that its
humble name has become 'a household word,' from the palace to the cottage, and
of the extent of its circulation having been unprecedented in the history of
the literature of this or of any other age or country. They would, at the same
time, include in their hearty welcome the Rev. C.E. Stowe, Professor of
Theological Literature in the Andover Theological Seminary, Massachusetts,
whose eminent qualifications, as a classical scholar, a man of general
literature, and a theologian, have recently placed him in a highly honorable
and responsible position, and who, on the subject of slavery, holds the same
principles and breathes the same spirit of freedom with his accomplished
partner; and, along with them too, another member of the same singularly
talented family with herself. They delight to think of the amount of good to
the cause of emancipation and universal liberty which her Cabin has already
done, and to anticipate the still larger amount it is yet destined to do, now
that the Key to the Cabin has triumphantly shown it to be no fiction; and in
whatever further efforts she may be honored of Heaven to make in the same noble
cause, they desire, unitedly and heartily, to cheer her on, and bid her 'God
speed.' I cannot but feel myself highly honored in having been requested to
move this resolution. In doing so, I have the happiness of introducing to a
Glasgow audience a lady from the transatlantic continent, the extraordinary
production of whose pen, referred to in the resolution, had made her name
familiar in our country and through Europe, ere she appeared in person among
us. My judgment and my heart alike fully respond to every thing said in the
resolution respecting that inimitable work. We are accustomed to make a
distinction between works of nature and works of art, but in a sense which, all
will readily understand, this is preeminently both. As a work of art, it bears
upon it, throughout, the stamp of original and varied genius. And yet,
throughout, it equally bears the impress of nature—of human nature—in
its worst and its best, and all its intermediate phases. The man who has read
that little volume without laughing and crying alternately—without the
meltings of pity, the thrillings of horror, and the kindlings of
indignation—would supply a far better argument for a distinct race than a
negro. [Loud laughter and cheers.] He must have a humanity peculiarly his own.
And he who can read it without the breathings of devotion must, if he calls
himself a Christian, have a Christianity as unique and questionable as his
humanity. [Cheering.] Never did work produce such a sensation. Among us that
sensation has happily been all of one kind. It has been the stirring of
universal sympathy and unbounded admiration. Not so in the country of its own
and of its gifted authoress's birth. There, the ferment has been among the
friends as well as the foes of slavery. Among the former all is rage. Among the
latter, while there are some—we trust not a few—who take the same
high and noble position with the talented authoress, there are too many, we
fear, who are frightened by this uncompromising boldness, and who are drawn
back rather than drawn forward by it—who 'halt between two opinions,' and
are the advocates of medium principles and medium measures. By many among
ourselves, the excitement which has been stirred is contemplated with
apprehension. They regard it as unfavorable to emancipation, and likely to
retard rather than to advance its progress. I must confess myself of a somewhat
different mind. That the cause may be obstructed by it for a time, may be true.
But it will work well in the long run. Good will ultimately come out of it.
Stir is better than stagnancy. Irritation is better than apathy. Whence does it
arise? From two sources. The conscience and the honor of the country have both
been touched. Conscience winces under the touch. The provocation shows it to be
ill at ease. The wound is painful, and it naturally awakens fretfulness and
resentment. But by and by the angry excitement will subside, and the salutary
conviction will remain and operate. The national honor, too, has been touched.
Our friends across the wave boast, and with good reason, of the free principles
of their constitution. They glory in their liberty. But they cannot fail to
feel the inconsistency of their position, and the exposure of it to the world
kindles on the cheek the blush of shame and the reddening fire of displeasure.
Now, the blush has aright source. It is the blush of patriotism—it is for
their country. But there is anger with the shame; for few things are more
galling than to feel that to be wrong which you are unable to justify, and
which, yet, you are not prepared to relinquish. [Loud applause.] On the whole,
I cannot but regard the agitation which has been produced as an auspicious,
rather than a discouraging omen. It was when the waters of the pool were
troubled that their healing virtue was imparted. Let us then hope that the
troubling of the waters by this ministering angel of mercy may impregnate them
with a similar sanative influence, [the reverend doctor here pointed towards
Mrs. Stowe, while the audience burst out with enthusiastic acclamations and
waving of handkerchiefs,] and thus ultimately contribute to the healing of the
ghastly wounds of the chain and the lash, and to the setting of the crushed and
bowed down erect in the soundness and dignity of their true manhood. [Loud
cheering.] Sorry we are that Mrs. Stowe should appear amongst us in a state of
broken health and physical exhaustion. No one who looks at the Cabin and at the
Key, and who knows aught of the effect of severe mental labor on the bodily
frame, will marvel at this. We fondly trust, and earnestly pray, that her
temporary sojourn among us may, by the divine blessing, recruit her strength,
and contribute to the prolongation of a life so promising of benefit to
suffering humanity, and to the glory of God. [Cheers.] Meanwhile she enjoys the
happy consciousness that she is suffering in a good cause. A better there could
not be. It is one which involves the well being, corporeal and mental, physical
and spiritual, temporal and eternal, of degraded, plundered, oppressed,
darkened, brutalized, perishing millions. And, while we delight in furnishing
her for a time with a peaceful retreat from 'the wrath of men,' from the resentment
of those who, did they but rightly know their own interests, would have smiled
upon her, and blessed her. We trust she enjoys, and ever will enjoy, quietness
and assurance of an infinitely higher order—the divine Master, whom she
serves and seeks to honor; proving to her, in the terms of his own promise, 'a
refuge from the storm, and a covert from the tempest.' [Enthusiastic cheering.]
It may sound strangely, that, when assembled for the very purpose of denouncing
'property in man,' we should be putting in our claims for a share of property
in woman. So, however, it is. We claim Mrs. Stowe as ours—[renewed,
cheers]—not ours only, but still ours. She is British and European
property as well as American. She is the property of the whole world of
literature and the whole world of humanity. [Cheers.] Should our transatlantic
friends repudiate the property, they may transfer their share—[laughter
and cheers]—most gladly will we accept the transference."
Professor Stowe, on rising to reply, was greeted with
the most enthusiastic applause. He said that he appeared in the name of Mrs.
Stowe, and in his own name, for the purpose of cordially thanking the people of
Glasgow for the
reception that had been given to them. But he could not find words to do it.
Was it true that all this affectionate interest was merited? [Cheers.] He could
not imagine any book capable of exciting such expressions of attachment; indeed
he was inclined to believe it had not been written at all—he
"'spected it grew." [Tremendous cheers.] Under the oppression of the
fugitive slave law the book had sprung from the soil ready made. He regretted
exceedingly that in consequence of the state of Mrs. Stowe's health, and in
consequence of the great pressure of engagements on himself, their stay in this
country would be necessarily short. But he hoped they would accept of the
expression of thanks they offered, and their apology for not being in a
condition to meet their kindness as they would desire. When they were about to
set out from Andover,
a friend of theirs expressed his astonishment that they should enter upon such
a journey in the delicate state of Mrs. Stowe's health. The Scotch people, he
doubted not, would be kind to them—they would kill them with kindness;
and he feared it would be so. It was from Glasgow
the idea of the invitation they had received had originated; and well might it
originate in that city, for when had been the time that Glasgow was not in earnest on the subject of
freedom? They had had hard struggles for liberty, and they had been successful,
and the people in the United
States were now struggling for the same
privilege. But they labored under circumstances greatly different from those in
Great Britain.
Scotland
had ever been distinguished for its love of freedom. [Great applause.] The
religious denominations in the United
States—to a great extent, give few and
feeble expressions of disapprobation against the system of slavery. Two
denominations had never been silent—the Old Scotch Seceders, or
Covenanters, and the disciples of William Penn—not one of their number,
in the United States,
owns a slave. Not one can own a slave without being ejected from the society.
In fact, the general feeling was against slavery; but to avoid trouble, the
people hesitate to give publicity to their feelings. Were this done, slavery
would soon come to an end. Great sacrifices are sometimes made by slaveholders
to get rid of slavery. He went once to preach in the State of Ohio. He found there a little log house.
Inside was a delicate woman, feeble and with white hands. She seemed wholly
unaccustomed to work. Her husband had the same appearance of delicacy. They
were very poor. How had they come into that state? They belonged to a slave
State, where they had formerly possessed a little family of slaves. They had
felt slavery to be wrong. They set them free, and with the remainder of their
little property tried to get their living by farming; but like many similar
cases, it had been one of martyrdom. The Professor then proceeded to make some
very practical remarks on the character of the fugitive slave law, after which
he said that the prosperity of Great
Britain in a great measure resulted from the
products of slave labor. American cotton was the chief support of the system.
We must, both in Britain and
America,
get free-grown cotton, or slavery will not, at least for a long time to come,
be abolished. What he would impress on the minds of Christians was unity in
this great work. Let slaveholders be ever so much opposed to each other on
other topics, they were unanimous in their endeavors to support slavery. But
let the prayers of all Christians and the efforts of all Christians be united;
and the system of oppression would speedily be destroyed forever.
Public Meeting In Edinburgh—April
20.
The Lord Provost rose, and stated
that a number of letters of apology had been received from parties who had been
invited to take part in the meeting, but who had been unable to attend. Among these
he might mention Professor Blackie, the Rev. Mr. Gilfillan, of Dundee, Rev. J.
Begg, D.D., the Earl of Buchan, Dr. Candlish, and Sir W. Gibson Craig, all of
whom expressed their regret that they could not be present. One of them, he
observed, was from a gentleman who had long taken an interest in the
antislavery cause,—Lord Cockburn,—and
his note was so warm, and sympathetic, and hearty on the subject about which
they had met, that he could not resist the temptation of reading it. It
proceeded, "I regret, that owing to my being obliged to be in Ayrshire, it
will not be in my power to join you in the expression of respect and gratitude
to Mrs. Stowe; she deserves all the honor that can be done her; she has done
more for humanity than was ever accomplished before by a single book of
fiction. [Cheers.] It did not require much to raise our British feeling against
slavery, but by showing us what substantially are facts, and the necessary
tendency of this evil in its most mitigated form, she has greatly strengthened
the ground on which this feeling rests. Her work may have no immediate or
present influence on the states of her own country that are now unhappily under
the curse, and may indeed for a time aggravate its horrors; but it is a
prodigious accession to the constantly accumulating mass of views and evidence,
which by reason of its force must finally prevail." [Cheers.] The Lord
Provost proceeded to say, that they had now assembled chiefly to do honor to
their distinguished guest, Mrs. Stowe. [Applause.] They had met, however, also
to express their interest in the cause which it had been the great effort of
her life to promote—the abolition of slavery. They took advantage of her
presence, and the effect which was produced on the public mind of this country,
to reiterate their love for the abolition cause, and their detestation of
slavery. Before they were aware that Mrs. Stowe was to grace the city of
Edinburgh with her presence, a committee had been organized to collect a penny
offering—the amount to be contributed in pence, and other small sums,
from the masses of this country—to be presented to her as some means of
mitigating, through her instrumentality, the horrors of slavery, as they might
come under her observation. It was intended at once as a mark of their esteem
for her, of their confidence in her, of their conviction that she would do what
was right in the cause, and, at the same time, as an evidence of the
detestation in which the system of slavery was held in this free country. That
penny offering now, he was happy to say, by the spontaneous efforts of the
inhabitants of this and other towns, amounted to a considerable sum; to certain
gentlemen in Edinburgh forming the committee the whole credit of this
organization was due, and he believed one of their number, the Rev. Mr.
Ballantyne, would present the offering that evening, and tell them all about
it. He would not, therefore, forestall what he would have to say on the
subject. They were also to have the pleasure of presenting Mrs. Stowe with an
address from the committee in this city, which would be presented by another
reverend friend, who would be introduced at the proper time. As there would be
a number of speakers to follow during the evening, his own remarks must be
exceedingly short; but he could not resist the temptation of saying how happy
he felt at being once more in the midst of a great meeting in the city of
Edinburgh, for the purpose of expressing their detestation of the system of
slavery. They could appeal to their brethren in the United States with clean
hands, because they had got rid of the abomination themselves; they could
therefore say to them, through their friends who were now present, on their
return home, and through the press, which would carry their sentiments even to
the slave states—they could say to them that they had washed their own
hands of the evil at the largest pecuniary sacrifice that was ever made by any
nation for the promotion of any good cause. [Loud applause.] Some parties said that
they should not speak harshly of the Americans, because they were full of
prejudice with regard to the system which they had seen growing up around them.
He said so too with all his heart; he joined in the sentiment that they should
not speak harshly, but they might fairly express their opinion of the system
with which their American friends were surrounded, and in which he thought all
who supported it were guilty participators. [Hear, hear!] They could denounce
the wickedness, they could tell them that they thought it was their duty to put
an end to it speedily. The cause of the abolition of slavery in our own
colonies long hung without any visible progress, notwithstanding the efforts of
many distinguished men, who did all they could to mitigate some of its more
prominent evils; and yet, so long as they never struck at the root, the
progress which they made was almost insensible. They knew how many men had
spent their energies, and some of them their lives, in attempting to forward
the cause; but how little effect was produced for the first half of the present
century! The city of Edinburgh
had always, he was glad to say, taken a deep interest in the cause; it was one
of the very first to take up the ground of total and entire abolition.
[Cheers.] A predecessor of his own in the civic chair was so kind as to preside
at a meeting held in Edinburgh twenty-three years ago, in which a very decided
step was proposed to be taken in advance, and a resolution was moved by the
then Dean of Faculty, to the effect that on the following first of January,
1831, all the children born of slave parents in our colonies were from that
date to be declared free. That was thought a great and most important movement
by the promoters of the cause. There were, however, parties at that crowded
meeting who thought that even this was a mere expedient—that it was a
mere pruning of the branches, leaving the whole system intact. One of these was
the late Dr. Andrew Thomson—[cheers]—who had the courage to propose
that the meeting should at once declare for total and immediate abolition,
which proposal was seconded by another excellent citizen, Mr. Dickie. Dr.
Thomson replied to some of the arguments which had been put forward, to the
effect that the total abolition might possibly occasion bloodshed; and he said
that, even if that did follow, it was no fault of his, and that he still stuck
to the principle, which he considered right under any circumstances. The
chairman, thereupon, threatened to leave the chair on account of the unnecessarily
strong language used, and when the sentiments were reiterated by Mr. Dickie, he
actually bolted, and left the meeting, which was thrown into great confusion. A
few days afterwards, however, another meeting was held—one of the largest
and most effective that had been ever held in Edinburgh—at which were
present Mr. John Shank More in the chair, the Rev. Dr. Thomson, Rev. Dr Gordon,
Dr. Ritchie, Mr. Muirhead, the Rev. Mr. Buchanan of North Leith, Mr. J. Wigham,
Jr., Dr. Greville, &c. The Lord Provost proceeded to read extracts from the
speeches made at the meeting, showing that the sentiments of the inhabitants of
Edinburgh, so far back as 1830, as uttered by some of its most distinguished
men,—not violent agitators, but ministers of the gospel, promoters of
peace and order, and every good and every benevolent purpose,—were in
favor of the immediate and total abolition of slavery in our colonies. He
referred especially to the speech of Dr. Andrew Thomson on this occasion, from
which he read the following extract: "But if the argument is forced upon
me to accomplish this great object, that there must be violence, let it come,
for it will soon pass away—let it come and rage its little hour, since it
is to be succeeded by lasting freedom, and prosperity, and happiness. Give me
the hurricane rather than the pestilence. Give me the hurricane, with its
thunders, and its lightnings, and its tempests—give me the hurricane,
with its partial and temporary devastations, awful though they be—give me
the hurricane, which brings along with it purifying, and healthful, and
salutary effects—give me the hurricane rather than the noisome
pestilence, whose path is never crossed, whose silence is never disturbed,
whose progress is never arrested by one sweeping blast from the heavens—which
walks peacefully and sullenly through the length and breadth of the land,
breathing poison into every heart, and carrying havoc into every
home—enervating all that is strong, defacing all that is beautiful, and
casting its blight over the fairest and happiest scenes of human life—and
which from day to day, and from year to year, with intolerant and interminable
malignity, sends its thousands and tens of thousands of hapless victims into
the ever-yawning and never-satisfied grave!"—[Loud and long applause.]
The experience which they had had, that all the dangers, all the bloodshed and
violence which were threatened, were merely imaginary, and that none of these
evils had come upon them although slavery had been totally abolished by us,
should, he thought, be an encouragement to their American friends to go home
and tell their countrymen that in this great city the views now put forward
were advocated long ago—that the persons who now held them said the same
years ago of the disturbances and the evils which would arise from pressing the
question of immediate and total abolition—that the same kind of arguments
and the same predictions of evil were uttered in England—and although she
had not the experience, although she had not the opportunity of pointing to the
past, and saying the evil had not come in such a case, still, even then, they
were willing to face the evil, to stick to the righteous principle, and to say,
come what would, justice must be done to the slave, and slavery must be wholly
and immediately abolished. [Cheers.] He had said so much on the question of
slavery, because he was very sure it would be much more agreeable to their
modest and retiring and distinguished guest that one should speak about any
other thing than about herself. Uncle Tom's Cabin needed no recommendation from
him. [Loud cheers.] It was the most extraordinary book, he thought, that had
ever been published; no book had ever got into the same circulation; none had
ever produced a tithe of the impression which it had produced within a given
time. It was worth all the proslavery press of America put together. The horrors
of slavery were not merely described, but they were actually pictured to the
eye. They were seen and understood fully; formerly they were mere dim visions,
about which there was great difference of opinion; some saw them as in a mist,
and others more clearly; but now every body saw and understood slavery. Every
body in this great city, if they had a voice in the matter, would be prepared
to say that they wished slavery to be utterly extinguished. [Loud cheers.]
Professor Stowe then rose, and was greeted with loud
cheers. He begged to read the following note from Mrs. Stowe, in acknowledgment
of the honor:—
"I accept these congratulations
and honors, and this offering, which it has pleased Scotland to bestow on me,
not for any thing which I have said or done, not as in any sense acknowledging
that they are or can be deserved, but with heartfelt, humble gratitude to God,
as tokens of mercy to a cause most sacred and most oppressed. In the name of a
people despised and rejected of men—in the name of men of sorrows
acquainted with grief, from whom the faces of all the great and powerful of the
earth have been hid—in the name of oppressed and suffering humanity, I
thank you. The offering given is the dearer to me, and the more hopeful, that
it is literally the penny offering, given by thousands on thousands, a penny at
a time. When, in travelling through your country, aged men and women have met
me with such fervent blessings, little children gathered round me with such
loving eyes—when honest hands, hard with toil, have been stretched forth
with such hearty welcome—when I have seen how really it has come from the
depths of the hearts of the common people, and know, as I truly do, what
prayers are going up with it from the humblest homes of Scotland, I am
encouraged. I believe it is God who inspires this feeling, and I believe God
never inspired it in vain. I feel an assurance that the Lord hath looked down
from heaven to hear the groaning of the prisoner, and according to the
greatness of his power, to loose those that are appointed to die. In the human
view, nothing can be more hopeless than this cause; all the wealth, and all the
power, and all the worldly influence is against it. But here in Scotland, need
we tell the children of the Covenant, that the Lord on high is mightier than
all human power? Here, close by the spot where your fathers signed that
Covenant, in an hour when Scotland's cause was equally poor and depressed—here,
by the spot where holy martyrs sealed it with their blood, it will neither seem
extravagance nor enthusiasm to say to the children of such parents, that for
the support of this cause, we look, not to the things that are seen, but to the
things that are not seen; to that God, who, in the face of all worldly power,
gave liberty to Scotland, in answer to your fathers' prayers. Our trust is in
Jesus Christ, and in the power of the Holy Ghost, and in the promise that he
shall reign till he hath put all things under his feet. There are those
faithless ones, who, standing at the grave of a buried humanity, tell us that
it is vain to hope for our brother, because he hath lain in the grave three
days already. We turn from them to the face of Him who has said, 'Thy brother
shall rise again.' There was a time when our great High Priest, our Brother,
yet our Lord, lay in the grave three days; and the governors and powers of the
earth made it as sure as they could, seeding the stone and setting a watch. But
a third day came, and an earthquake, and an angel. So shall it be to the cause
of the oppressed; though now small and despised, we are watchers at the
sepulchre, like Mary and the trusting women; we can sit through the hours of
darkness. We are watching the sky for the golden streaks of dawning, and we
believe that the third day will surely come. For Christ our Lord, being raised
from the dead, dieth no more; and he has pledged his word that he shall not
fail nor be discouraged till he have set judgment on the earth. He shall
deliver the poor when He crieth, the needy, and him that hath no helper. The
night is far spent—the day is at hand. The universal sighing of humanity
in all countries, the whole creation groaning and travailing in pain together—the
earnest expectation of the creature waiting for the manifestation of the sons
of God—show that the day is not distant when he will break every yoke,
and let the oppressed go free. And whatever we are able to do for this sacred
cause, let us cast it where the innumerable multitude of heaven cast their
crowns, at the feet of the Lamb, saying, 'Worthy is the Lamb that was slain to
receive power, and riches, and wisdom, and strength, and honor, and glory, and
blessings.'"
The Rev. Professor then continued.
"My Lord Provost, Ladies and Gentlemen: This cause, to be successful, must
be carried on in a religious spirit, with a deep sense of our dependence on
God, and with that love for our fellow-men which the gospel requires. It is
because I think I have met this spirit since I reached the shores of Great
Britain, in those who have taken an interest in the cause, that I feel
encouraged to hope that the expression of your feeling will be effective on the
hearts of Christians on the other side of the Atlantic. There are Christians
there as sincere, as hearty, and as earnest, as any on the face of the earth.
They have looked at this subject, and been troubled; they have hardly known
what to do, and their hearts have been discouraged. They have almost turned
away their eyes from it, because they have scarcely dared encounter it, the
difficulties appeared to them so great. Wrong cannot always receive the support
of Christians; wrong must be done away with; and what must be—what God
requires to be—that certainly will be. Now, in this age, man is every
where beginning to regard the sufferings of his fellow-man as his own. There is
an interest felt in man, as man, which was not felt in preceding ages. The
facilities of communication are bringing all nations in contact, and whatever
wrong exists in any part of the world, is every where felt. There are wrongs
and sufferings every where; but those to which we are accustomed, we look upon
with most indifference, because being accustomed to them, we do not feel their
enormity. You feel the enormity of slavery more than we do, because you are not
immediately interested, and regard it at a distance. We regard some of the
wrongs that exist in the old world with more sensibility than you can regard
them, because we are not accustomed to them, and you are. Therefore, in the
spirit of Christian love, it belongs to Christian men to speak to each other
with great fidelity. It has been said that you know little or nothing about
slavery. O, happy men, that you are ignorant of its enormities. [Hear, hear!]
But you do know something about it. You know as much about it as you know of
the widow-burning in India, or the cannibalism in the Fejee Islands, or any of
those crimes and sorrows of paganism, that induced you to send forth your
missionaries. You know it is a great wrong, and a terrible obstacle to the
progress of the gospel; and that is enough for you to know to induce you to
act. You have as much knowledge as ever induced a Christian community in any
part of the world to exert an influence in any other part of the world. Slavery
is a relic of paganism, of barbarism; it must be removed by Christianity; and
if the light of Christianity shines on it clearly, it certainly will remove it.
There are thousands of hearts in the United States that rejoice in your help.
Whatever expressions of impatience and petulance you may hear, be assured that
these expressions are not the heart of the great body of the people. [Cheers.]
A large proportion of that country is free from slavery. There is an area of
freedom ten times larger than Great
Britain in territory. [Cheers.]
But all the power over the slave is in the hands of the slaveholder. You had a
power over the slaveholder by your national legislature; our national
legislature has no power over the slaveholder. All the legislation that can in
that country be brought to bear for the slave, is legislation by the
slaveholders themselves. There is where the difficulty lies. It is altogether
by persuasion, Christian counsel, Christian sympathy, Christian earnestness,
that any good can be effected for the slave. The conscience of the people is
against the system—the conscience of the people, even in the slaveholding
states; and if we can but get at the conscience without exciting prejudice, it
will tend greatly towards the desired effect. But this appeal to the conscience
must be unintermittent, constant. Your hands must not be weary, your prayers
must not be discontinued; but every day and every hour should we be doing
something towards the object. It is sometimes said, Americans who resist
slavery are traitors to their country. No; those who would support freedom are
the only true friends of their country. Our fathers never intended slavery to
be identified with the government of the United States; but in the temptations
of commerce the evil was overlooked; and how changed for the worse has become
the public sentiment even within the last thirty or forty years! The enormous
increase in the consumption of cotton has raised enormously the market value of
slaves, and arrayed both avarice and political ambition in defence of slavery.
Instruct the conscience, and produce free cotton, and this will be like
Cromwell's exhortation to his soldiers, 'Trust in God, and keep your powder
dry.'" [Continued cheers.]
The Rev. Dr. R. Lee then said: "I am quite sure
that every individual here responds cordially to those sentiments of respect
and gratitude towards our honored guest which have been so well expressed by
the Lord Provost and the other gentlemen who have addressed us. We think that
this lady has not only laid us under a great obligation by giving us one of the
most delightful books in the English language, but that she has improved us as
men and as Christians, that she has taught us the value of our privileges, and
made us more sensible than we were before of the obligation which lies upon us
to promote every good work. I have been requested to say a few words on the
degradation of American slavery; but I feel, in the presence of the gentleman
who last addressed you, and of those who are still to address you, that it
would be almost presumption in me to enter on such a subject. It is impossible
to speak or to think of the subject of slavery without feeling that there is a
double degradation in the matter; for, in the first place, the slave is a man
made in the image of God—God's image cut in ebony, as old Thomas Fuller
quaintly but beautifully said; and what right have we to reduce him to the
image of a brute, and make property of him? We esteem drunkenness as a sin. Why
is it a sin? Because it reduces that which was made in the image of God to the
image of a brute. We say to the drunkard, 'You are guilty of a sacrilege,
because you reduce that which God made in his own image "into the image of
an irrational creature."' Slavery does the very same. But there is not
only a degradation committed as regards the slave—there is a degradation
also committed against himself by him who makes him a slave, and who retains
him in the position of a slave; for is it not one of the most commonplace of
truths that we cannot do a wrong to a neighbor without doing a greater wrong to
ourselves?—that we cannot injure him without also injuring ourselves yet
more? I observe there is a certain class of writers in America who are fond of representing the feeling
of this country towards America
as one of jealousy, if not of hatred.. I think, my lord, that no American ever
travelled in this country without being conscious at once that this is a total
mistake—that this is a total misapprehension. I venture to say that there
is no nation on the face of the earth in which we feel half so much interest,
or towards which we feel the tenth part of the affection, which we do towards
our brethren in the United
States of America. And what is more than
that—there is no nation towards which we feel one half so much
admiration, and for which we feel half so much respect, as we do for the people
of the United States of America. [Cheers.] Why, sir, how can it be otherwise?
How is it possible that it should be the reverse? Are they not our bone and our
flesh? and their character, whatever it is, is it any thing more than our own,
a little exaggerated, perhaps? Their virtues and their vices, their faults and
their excellences, are just the virtues and the vices, the faults and the
excellences, of that old respectable freeholder, John Bull, from whom they are
descended. We are not much surprised that a nation which are slaves themselves
should make other men slaves. This cannot very much surprise us: but we are
both surprised and we are deeply grieved, that a nation which has conceived so
well the idea of freedom—a nation which has preached the doctrines of
freedom with such boldness and such fulness—a nation which has so boldly
and perfectly realized its idea of freedom in every other respect—should
in this only instance have sunk so completely below its own idea, and
forgetting the rights of one class of their fellow-creatures, should have
deprived them of freedom altogether. I say that our grief and our
disapprobation of this in the case of our brethren in America arises very much
from this, that in other respects we admire them so much, we are sorry that so
noble a nation should allow a blot like this to remain upon its escutcheon. I
am not ignorant—nobody can be ignorant—of the great difficulties
which encompass the solution of this question in America. It is vain for us to shut
our eyes to it. There can be no doubt whatever that great sacrifices will
require to be made in order to get rid of this great evil. But the Americans
are a most ingenious people; they are full of inventions of all sorts, from the
invention of a machine for protecting our feet from the water, to a machine for
making ships go by means of heated air; from the one to the other the whole
field of discovery is occupied by their inventive genius. There is not an
article in common use among us but bears some stamp of America. We
rise in the morning, and before we are dressed we have had half a dozen
American articles in our hands. And during the day, as we pass through the
streets, articles of American invention meet us every where. In short, the
ingenuity of the people is proclaimed all over the world. And there can be no
doubt that the moment this great, this ingenious people finds that slavery is
both an evil and a sin, their ingenuity will be successfully exerted in
discovering some invention for preventing its abolition from ruining them
altogether. [Cheers.] No doubt their ingenuity will be equal to the occasion;
and I may take the liberty of adding, that their ingenuity in that case will
find even a richer reward than it has done in those other inventions which have
done them so much honor, and been productive of so much profit. I say, that
sacrifices must be made; there can be no doubt about that; but I would also
observe, that the longer the evil is permitted to continue, the greater and
more tremendous will become the sacrifice which will be needed to put an end to
it; for all history proves that a nation encumbered, with slavery is surrounded
with danger. [Applause.] Has the history of antiquity been written in vain?
Does it not teach us that not only domestic and social pollutions are the
inevitable results, but does it not teach us also that political insecurity and
political revolutions as certainly slumber beneath the institution of slavery
as fireworks at the basis of Mount Ætna? [Cheers.] It cannot but be so. Men no
more than steam can be compressed without a tremendous revulsion; and let our
brethren in America be sure of this, that the longer the day of reckoning is
put off by them, the more tremendous at last that reckoning will Be."
[Loud, applause.]
In regard to this meeting at
Edinburgh, there was a ridiculous story circulated and variously commented on
in certain newspapers of the United States, that the American flag was
there exhibited, insulted, torn, and mutilated. Certain religious papers
took the lead in propagating the slander, which, so for as I know or can learn,
had no foundation, unless it be that, in the arranging of the flag
around its staff, the stars might have been more distinctly visible than the
stripes. The walls were profusely adorned with drapery, and there were numerous
flags disposed in festoons. Truly a wonderful thing to make a story of, and then
parade it in the newspapers from Maine to Texas, beginning in Philadelphia!
Public Meeting In Aberdeen—April 21.
Address Of The Citizens.
Mrs H. Beecher Stowe.
Madam: The citizens of Aberdeen have much pleasure in embracing the opportunity
now afforded them of expressing at once their esteem for yourself personally,
and their interest in the cause of which you have been the distinguished
advocate.
While they would, not render a blind
homage to mere genius, however exalted, they consider genius such as yours,
directed by Christian principle, as that which, for the welfare of humanity,
cannot be too highly or too fervently honored.
Without depreciating the labors of the
various advocates of slave emancipation who have appeared from time to time on
both sides of the Atlantic, they may conscientiously award to you the praise of
having brought about the present universal and enthusiastic sentiment in regard
to the slavery which exists in America.
The galvanic battery may be arranged
and charged, every plate, wire, and fluid being in its appropriate place; but,
until some hand shall bring together the extremities of the conducting medium,
in vain might we expect to elicit the latent fire.
Every heart may throb with the feeling
of benevolence, and every mind respond to the sentiment that man, in regard to
man, should be free and equal; but it is the province of genius such as yours
to give unity to the universal, and find utterance for the felt.
When society has been prepared for some
momentous movement or moral reformation, so that the hidden thoughts of the
people want only an interpreter, the thinking community an organ, and suffering
humanity a champion, distinguished is the honor belonging to the individual in
whom all these requisites are found combined.
To you has been assigned by Providence
the important task of educing the latent emotions of humanity, and waking the
music that slumbered in the chords of the universal human heart, till it has
pealed forth in one deep far rolling and harmonious anthem, of which the
heavenly burden is, "Liberty to the captive, and the opening of the prison
to them that are bound!"
The production of your accomplished
pen, which has already called forth such unqualified eulogy from almost every
land where Anglo-Saxon literature finds access, and created so sudden and
fervent an excitement on the momentous subject of American slavery, has nowhere
been hailed with a more cordial welcome, or produced more salutary effects,
than in the city of Aberdeen.
Though long ago imbued, with
antislavery principles and interested in the progress of liberty in every part
of the world, our community, like many others, required such information,
suggestions, and appeals as your valuable work contains in one great department
of slavery, in order that their interest might be turned into a specific
direction, and their principles reduced, to combined practical effort.
Already they have esteemed it a
privilege to engage with some activity in the promotion of the interests of the
fugitive slave; and they shall henceforth regard with a deeper interest than
ever the movements of their American brethren in this matter, until there
exists among them no slavery from which to flee.
While they participate in your
abhorrence of slavery in the American states, they trust they need scarcely
assure you that they participate also in your love for the American people.
It is in proportion as they love that
nation, attached to them by so many ties, that they lament the existence of a
system which, so long as it exists, must bring odium upon the national
character, as it cannot fail to enfeeble and impair their best social
institutions.
They believe it to be a maxim that man
cannot hold his fellow-man in slavery without being himself to some extent enslaved.
And of this the censorship of the press, together with the expurgatorial
indices of various religious societies in the Southern States of America,
furnish ample corroboration.
It is hoped that your own nation may
speedily be directed to recognize you as its best friend, for having stood
forth in the spirit of true patriotism to advocate the claims of a large
portion of your countrymen, and to seek the removal of an evil which has done
much to neutralize the moral influence of your country's best (an