ANABASIS
By
Xenophon
Translation by H. G. Dakyns
CONTENTS:
Dedicated To Rev. B. Jowett, M.A. Master of
Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B.C. He was a pupil of
Socrates. He marched with the Spartans, and was exiled from
The Anabasis is his story of the march to
PREPARER'S NOTE
This was typed from Dakyns' series, "The Works of Xenophon," a four-volume set. The complete list of Xenophon's works (though there is doubt about some of these) is:
Work Number of books
The Anabasis 7
The Hellenica 7
The Cyropaedia 8
The Memorabilia 4
The Symposium 1
The Economist 1
On Horsemanship 1
The Sportsman 1
The Cavalry General 1
The Apology 1
On Revenues 1
The Hiero 1
The Agesilaus 1
The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 2
Text in brackets "{}" is my transliteration of Greek text into English using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The diacritical marks have been lost.
Darius and Parysatis had two sons: the elder was named Artaxerxes, and 1 the younger Cyrus. Now, as Darius lay sick and felt that the end of life drew near, he wished both his sons to be with him. The elder, as it chanced, was already there, but Cyrus he must needs send for from the province over which he had made him satrap, having appointed him general moreover of all the forces that muster in the plain of the Castolus. Thus Cyrus went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as his friend, and accompanied also by a body of Hellenes, three hundred heavy armed men, under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian[1].
[1] Parrhasia, a district and town in the south-west of
Now when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was established in the kingdom, Tissaphernes brought slanderous accusations against Cyrus before his brother, the king, of harbouring designs against him. And Artaxerxes, listening to the words of Tissaphernes, laid hands upon Cyrus, desiring to put him to death; but his mother made intercession for him, and sent him back again in safety to his province. He then, having so escaped through peril and dishonour, fell to considering, not only how he might avoid ever again being in his brother's power, but how, if possible, he might become king in his stead. Parysatis, his mother, was his first resource; for she had more love for Cyrus than for Artaxerxes upon his throne. Moreover Cyrus's behaviour towards all who came to him from the king's court was such that, when he sent them away again, they were better friends to himself than to 5 the king his brother. Nor did he neglect the barbarians in his own service; but trained them, at once to be capable as warriors and devoted adherents of himself. Lastly, he began collecting his Hellenic armament, but with the utmost secrecy, so that he might take the king as far as might be at unawares.
The manner in which he contrived the levying of the troops
was as follows: First, he sent orders to the commandants of garrisons in the
cities (so held by him), bidding them to get together as large a body of picked
Peloponnesian troops as they severally were able, on the plea that Tissaphernes
was plotting against their cities; and truly these cities of Ionia had originally
belonged to Tissaphernes, being given to him by the king; but at this time,
with the exception of Miletus, they had all revolted to Cyrus. In
A third army was being collected for him in the Chersonese,
over against
[2] A Persian gold coin = 125.55 grains of gold.
Then there was the Thessalian Aristippus, Cyrus's friend[3], who, under pressure of the rival political party at home, had come to Cyrus and asked him for pay for two thousand mercenaries, to be continued for three months, which would enable him, he said, to gain the upper hand of his antagonists. Cyrus replied by presenting him with six months' pay for four thousand mercenaries--only stipulating that Aristippus should not come to terms with his antagonists without final consultation with himself. In this way he secured to himself the secret maintenance of a fourth armament.
[3] Lit. "guest-friend." Aristippus was, as we
learn from the "Meno" of Plato, a native of
Further, he bade Proxenus, a Boeotian, who was another friend, get together as many men as possible, and join him in an expedition which he meditated against the Pisidians[4], who were causing annoyance to his territory. Similarly two other friends, Sophaenetus the Stymphalian[5], and Socrates the Achaean, had orders to get together as many men as possible and come to him, since he was on the point of opening a campaign, along with Milesian exiles, against Tissaphernes. These orders were duly carried out by the officers in question.
[4] Lit. "into the country of the Pisidians."
[5] Of Stymphalus in
But when the right moment seemed to him to have come, at
which he 1 should begin his march into the interior, the pretext which he put
forward was his desire to expel the Pisidians utterly out of the country; and
he began collecting both his Asiatic and his Hellenic armaments, avowedly
against that people. From Sardis in each direction his orders sped: to
Clearchus, to join him there with the whole of his army; to Aristippus, to come
to terms with those at home, and to despatch to him the troops in his employ;
to Xenias the Arcadian, who was acting as general-in-chief of the foreign
troops in the cities, to present himself with all the men available, excepting
only those who were actually needed to garrison the citadels. He next summoned the
troops at present engaged in the siege of
[1] "Targeteers" armed with a light shield instead of the larger one of the hoplite, or heavy infantry soldier. Iphicrates made great use of this arm at a later date.
But Tissaphernes did not fail to note these proceedings. An equipment so large pointed to something more than an invasion of Pisidia: so he argued; and with what speed he might, he set off to the king, attended by about five hundred horse. The king, on his side, had no sooner heard from Tissaphernes of Cyrus's great armament, than he began to make counter-preparations.
Thus Cyrus, with the troops which I have named, set out from
[2] The Persian "farsang" = 30 stades, nearly 1
league, 3 1/2 statute miles, though not of uniform value in all parts of
[3] "Two plethra": the plethron = about 101 English feet.
[4] Lit. "inhabited," many of the cities of
[5] Lit. "paradise," an oriental word = park or pleasure ground.
[6] Perhaps this should be Agias the Arcadian, as Mr. Macmichael suggests. Sophaenetus has already been named above.
From this place he continued his march two stages--ten
parasangs--to 10 the populous city of
[7] The Lycaea, an Arcadian festival in honour of Zeus {Arcaios}, akin to the Roman Lupercalia, which was originally a shepherd festival, the introduction of which the Romans ascribe to the Arcadian Evander.
[8] Lit. "plain of the Cayster," like Ceramon-agora, "the market of the Ceramians" above, the name of a town.
From this place he marched two stages--ten parasangs--to
Thymbrium, a populous city. Here, by the side of the road, is the spring of
Midas, the king of
[9] I.e. ready for action, c.f. "bayonets fixed".
After he had driven past the whole body, he drew up his chariot in front of the centre of the battle-line, and sent his interpreter Pigres to the generals of the Hellenes, with orders to present arms and to advance along the whole line. This order was repeated by the generals to their men; and at the sound of the bugle, with shields forward and spears in rest, they advanced to meet the enemy. The pace quickened, and with a shout the soldiers spontaneously fell into a run, making in the direction of the camp. Great was the panic of the barbarians. The Cilician queen in her carriage turned and fled; the sutlers in the marketing place left their wares and took to their heels; and the Hellenes meanwhile came into camp with a roar of laughter. What astounded the queen was the brilliancy and order of the armament; but Cyrus was pleased to see the terror inspired by the Hellenes in the hearts of the Asiatics.
From this place he marched on three stages--twenty parasangs--to
Iconium, the last city of
From this place they endeavoured to force a passage into
At Tarsus Cyrus and his army halted for twenty days; the
soldiers 1 refusing to advance further, since the suspicion ripened in their
minds, that the expedition was in reality directed against the king; and as
they insisted, they had not engaged their services for that object. Clearchus
set the example of trying to force his men to continue their march; but he had
no sooner started at the head of his troops than they began to pelt him and his
baggage train, and Clearchus had a narrow escape of being stoned to death there
and then. Later on, when he perceived that force was useless, he summoned an
assembly of his own men; and for a long while he stood and wept, while the men
gazed in silent astonishment. At last he spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers,
do not marvel that I am sorely distressed on account of the present troubles.
Cyrus has been no ordinary friend to me. When I was in banishment he honoured
me in various ways, and made me also a present of ten thousand darics. These I
accepted, but not to lay them up for myself for private use; not to squander
them in pleasure, but to expend them on yourselves. And, first of all, I went
to war with the Thracians, and with you to aid, I wreaked vengeance on them in
behalf of
[1] Lit. "into the country of the barbarian."
Such were his words. But the soldiers, not only his own, but the rest also, when they heard what he said, and how he had scouted the idea of going up to the great king's palace[2], expressed their approval; and more than two thousand men deserted Xenias and Pasion, and took their arms and baggage-train, and came and encamped with Clearchus. But Cyrus, in despair and vexation at this turn of affairs, sent for Clearchus. He refused to come; but, without the knowledge of the soldiers, sent a message to Cyrus, bidding him keep a good heart, for that all would arrange itself in the right way; and bade him keep on sending for him, whilst he himself refused to go. After that he got together his own men, with those who had joined him, and of the rest any who chose to come, and spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers, it is clear that the relations of Cyrus to us are identical with ours to him. We are no longer his soldiers, since we have ceased to follow him; and he, on his side, is no longer our paymaster. He, however, no doubt considers himself wronged by us; and though he goes on sending for me, I cannot bring myself to go to him: for two reasons, chiefly from a sense of shame, for I am forced to admit to myself that I have altogether deceived him; but partly, too, because I am afraid of his seizing me and inflicting a penalty on the wrongs which he conceives 11 that I have done him. In my opinion, then, this is no time for us to go to sleep and forget all about ourselves, rather it is high time to deliberate on our next move; and as long as we do remain here, we had better bethink us how we are to abide in security; or, if we are resolved to turn our backs at once, what will be the safest means of retreat; and, further, how we are to procure supplies, for without supplies there is no profit whatsoever in the general or the private soldier. The man with whom we have to deal is an excellent friend to his friends, but a very dangerous enemy to his foes. And he is backed by a force of infantry and cavalry and ships such as we all alike very well see and know, since we can hardly be said to have posted ourselves at any great distance from him. If, then, any one has a suggestion to make, now is the time to speak." With these words he ceased.
[2] Or "how he insisted that he was not going up."
Then various speakers stood up; some of their own motion to propound their views; others inspired by Clearchus to dilate on the hopeless difficulty of either staying, or going back without the goodwill of Cyrus. One of these, in particular, with a make-believe of anxiety to commence the homeward march without further pause, called upon them instantly to choose other generals, if Clearchus were not himself prepared to lead them back: "Let them at once purchase supplies" (the market being in the heart of the Asiatic camp), "let them pack up their baggage: let them," he added, "go to Cyrus and ask for some ships in order to return by sea: if he refused to give them ships, let them demand of him a guide to lead them back through a friendly district; and if he would not so much as give them a guide, they could but put themselves, without more ado, in marching order, and send on a detachment to occupy the pass--before Cyrus and the Cilicians, whose property," the speaker added, "we have so plentifully pillaged, can anticipate us." Such were the remarks of that speaker; he was followed by Clearchus, who merely said: "As to my acting personally as general at this season, pray do not propose it: I can see numerous obstacles to my doing so. Obedience, in the fullest, I can render to the man of 15 your choice, that is another matter: and you shall see and know that I can play my part, under command, with the best of you."
After Clearchus another spokesman stood up, and proceeded to point out the simplicity of the speaker, who proposed to ask for vessels, just as if Cyrus were minded to renounce the expedition and sail back again. "And let me further point out," he said, "what a simple-minded notion it is to beg a guide of the very man whose designs we are marring. If we can trust any guide whom Cyrus may vouchsafe to us, why not order Cyrus at once to occupy the pass on our behoof? For my part, I should think twice before I set foot on any ships that he might give us, for fear lest he should sink them with his men-of-war; and I should equally hesitate to follow any guide of his: he might lead us into some place out of which we should find it impossible to escape. I should much prefer, if I am to return home against the will of Cyrus at all, to give him the slip, and so begone: which indeed is impossible. But these schemes are simply nonsensical. My proposal is that a deputation of fit persons, with Clearchus, should go to Cyrus: let them go to Cyrus and ask him: what use he proposes to make of us? and if the business is at all similar to that on which he once before employed a body of foreigners--let us by all means follow: let us show that we are the equals of those who accompanied him on his much up formerly. But if the design should turn out to be of larger import than the former one--involving more toil and more danger--we should ask him, either to give us good reasons for following his lead, or else consent to send us away into a friendly country. In this way, whether we follow him, we shall do so as friends, and with heart and soul, or whether we go back, we shall do so in security. The answer to this shall be reported to us here, and when we have heard it, we will advise as to our best course."
This resolution was carried, and they chose and sent a deputation with Clearchus, who put to Cyrus the questions which had been agreed upon by the army. Cyrus replied as follows: That he had received news that Abrocomas, an enemy of his, was posted on the Euphrates, twelve stages 20 off; his object was to march against this aforesaid Abrocomas: and if he were still there, he wished to inflict punishment on him, "or if he be fled" (so the reply concluded), "we will there deliberate on the best course." The deputation received the answer and reported it to the soldiers. The suspicion that he was leading them against the king was not dispelled; but it seemed best to follow him. They only demanded an increase of pay, and Cyrus promised to give them half as much again as they had hitherto received--that is to say, a daric and a half a month to each man, instead of a daric. Was he really leading them to attack the king? Not even at this moment was any one apprised of the fact, at any rate in any open and public manner.
From this point he marched two stages--ten parasangs--to the
river 1 Psarus, which is two hundred feet broad, and from the Psarus he marched
a single stage--five parasangs--to Issi, the last city in
From Issi, he marched a single stage--five parasangs--to the
gates of Cilicia and
From this point Cyrus pursued his march, through